1005 RockefellerAgenda3.pdf

Rockefeller Globalism

THE "PROUD INTERNATIONALIST": DAVID ROCKEFELLER (1915 – )

M ost analysis of the role of David Rockefeller in the New World Order is

usually ridiculed by smug commentators in the "responsible" press as the

stuff of fantasy. For these oracles, descriptions of Rockefeller as "one of the

foremost partisans of world government under the UN" (Jasper), the

" éminence grise of international power politics" (Wilkes) and "one of the most high

profile, and most obvious, New World Order manipulators on the planet" (Icke) 1 are not to

be taken seriously. Indeed, to contend that the billionaire ex-banker, philanthropist and

founder of the Trilateral Commission could have any global designs is taken as a sign that

one has fallen for the infantile ravings of the "black helicopter crowd". Perhaps, it is

implied, only those afflicted by a peculiar mental malady could believe or contemplate

such claims.

Back in 1996, for example, high-rating US national radio talk-show host Rush

Limbaugh openly mocked these beliefs in his so-called "Kook Test":

• Do you believe that David Rockefeller, Henry Kissinger and other famous members

of the New World Order provide daily instructions to agents of the FBI, CIA, BATF,

and National Organization of Women?

• Do you believe that the feminist movement was the brainchild of David Rockefeller

for the purpose of having men and women at war with each other on a daily basis so

as to distract them from the real conspiracy of the CFR?

• If you have answered even one of these questions "yes", then you are a kook and

have passed the test.

Philanthropist,

plutocrat and

former banker

David Rockefeller

has been promoting

his "one world"

vision among global

powerbrokers since

the 1960s, while

dismissing claims

that he's part of a

cabal out to control

the planet.

David Rockefeller himself has often scoffed at such claims. In a letter to the New York

Times in 1980, he took issue with the "nonsensical defamation" he claimed to have been

subjected to over the years. "I never cease to be amazed by those few among us who spot

a conspiracy under every rock, a cabal in every corner…", David wrote, lamenting that he

was usually "singled out as the 'cabalist-in-chief'". Eighteen years later, David's mirth

remained intact. "It's so absurd I can't help but, to some extent, find it amusing", he told

the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette in 1998, commenting on conspiracy theories about himself

and the Trilateral Commission. 2

Yet curiously, David's key role in promoting global political and economic unity is not

only explicitly recognised but is openly celebrated within the power-elite. According to

one recent tribute, because of his "contributions to enterprise and humanity" David had

become "one of the world's most respected citizens". The speaker, Thomas d'Aquino,

President and CEO of the Canadian Council of Chief Executives, addressing an elite

gathering in 2002, had no qualms praising David's "impressible urge to promote

international cooperation and understanding" and his "passions…for the promotion of

international cooperation" and "inter-American cooperation". 3 Equally unrestrained was

Harvard University President Neil Rudenstine, who venerated David in 1999 as an

"informed, observant, experienced, modest, and generous citizen of the world, interested

in the welfare of all". 4

At celebrations for the 25th anniversary of the Trilateral Commission's US group in

1998, a roster of adoring Establishment heavyweights repeatedly toasted the "sense of

vision" (Berthoin), "farsightedness and leadership" (Ogata), "great munificence" (Black)

and "sense of obligation" (Kissinger) of their Honorary Chairman. The "first global

history of mankind is about to start", claimed Georges Berthoin, a former European

Part 3

by Will Banyan

Email:

banyan007@rediffmail.com

AUGUST – SEPTEMBER 2003

www.nexusmagazine.com

NEXUS • 27

Chairman of the Trilateral Commission, and it was all due to

David Rockefeller, the "gentleman-pioneer of the trilateral

world". 5 Similarly, at a book signing for David's new

autobiography, Memoirs , held in late 2002 at the United Nations

headquarters in New York, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan

hailed the plutocrat's contribution to world order:

I think without internationalists like you, the international

system we have been trying to build, the international system

we have today, wouldn't be here. So, thank you very much,

David. 6

Senior's trusted valet of some 30 years, John Yordi, David admits

to having been ecstatic: "I thought it would have been Nelson,

but I couldn't pretend I wasn't pleased ." 9 It is noteworthy that

David starts Memoirs with this incident, as it is one of the few

admissions to his true status.

Lacking Nelson's hunger for publicity and overt power, David's

career path took a somewhat different course. Educated at

Harvard, the London School of Economics (LSE) and the

University of Chicago, David became the only one of Junior's

children to have earned a PhD. The subject of his dissertation,

essentially an attack on government regulation of business activi-

ty, was "Unused Resources and Economic Waste" (1940). Upon

completion of his studies, and contemplating a career in politics,

David returned to New York in 1940 to work as secretary to New

York Mayor Fiorello La Guardia. In mid-1941, tiring of local

politics and seeking "administrative experience", David started

work with a new government body, the Office of Defense, Health,

and Welfare Services. This proved to be short-lived, though, and

with the outbreak of the war David enlisted in the US Army,

going on to serve as an intelligence officer in North Africa and

France.

But we need not take their word for it. After years of denying

and ridiculing such charges, David Rockefeller has finally put an

end to the speculation, making the following admission in

Memoirs :

For more than a century, ideological extremists at either end

of the political spectrum have seized upon well-publicized

incidents…to attack the Rockefeller family for the inordinate

influence they claim we wield over American political and

economic institutions. Some even believe we are part of a

secret cabal working against the best interests of the United

States, characterizing my family

and me as "internationalists"

and of conspiring with others

around the world to build a

more integrated global political

and economic structure—one

world, if you will . If that's the

charge, I stand guilty, and I am

proud of it . 7

Returning to the US in 1946, David

went to work for the "family bank",

Chase Manhattan. He started as a

low-ranking officer, but, thanks to the

Rockefeller family's controlling

interest, he rapidly rose through the

ranks and in 1969 became Chairman

and Chief Executive Officer. David

ran the bank until his retirement in

1981, but continued to play a role as

Chairman of the bank's International

Advisory Committee.

Although David later liked to boast

that he was "the first member of the

family since Grandfather who has

had a regular job in a company and

has devoted a major part of his life to being in business", it was

apparently "not an easy decision" as he still desired to work with

government or in philanthropy, particularly on international

affairs. 10

...of all John D. Rockefeller, Jr's

offpsring, it is David,

despite being the youngest,

who has emerged as the

true heir to the vast reservoir of

political and economic power

originally amassed by

John D. Rockefeller, Sr.

David Rockefeller's bold confes-

sion, finally given late in his life, is

clearly momentous but it also war-

rants further scrutiny, for his account

in Memoirs omits much important

detail. Only by examining David's

statements, articles and speeches over the past 40 years can the

true extent of his vision of "a more integrated global political and

economic structure" be understood. And such examination also

reveals that David has not been an idle dreamer, but has used his

position as arguably the most powerful and influential Rockefeller

of the latter half of the 20th century to advocate a revamped ver-

sion of the Wilson–Fosdick world order model.

But, in truth, neither avenue has ever been closed to him.

The Education of an Internationalist

David attributes much of his internationalist fervour to the

influence of his parents, his overseas travelling experiences and

his changed world outlook following World War II. He writes

that it was his parents who first impressed on him "the importance

of the world beyond the United States". His father, Junior, "was a

staunch supporter of the League of Nations" and, through the

Rockefeller Foundation, "one of the principal funders of health,

education, and cultural endeavors around the world". 11 But there

were other influences, including David's education at Harvard

University and the University of Chicago during the 1930s, and

his early membership of the Council on Foreign Relations from

1949 and the Bilderberg Group from 1954.

It was at Harvard, under the guidance of Professor Gottfried

von Haberler (1901–1995), that David received more vigorous

indoctrination into the benefits of free trade. Described by David

as a "staunch supporter of free trade", Haberler would have given

compelling guidance—for the Austrian professor was, according

to one biographer, "one of the first economists to make a rigorous

case for the superior productivity and universal benefits of 'free' or

politically unrestricted international trade…" At the University of

The Heir Apparent

One of the more common observations made by biographers of

the Rockefeller family is that of all John D. Rockefeller, Jr's off-

spring, it is David, despite being the youngest, who has emerged

as the true heir to the vast reservoir of political and economic

power originally amassed by John D. Rockefeller, Sr. As Peter

Collier and David Horowitz observe in their book, The

Rockefellers , in contrast to his siblings it was David who "was the

most serious, the one who was conscious of his birthright from the

beginning". 8 Even Senior seemed to sense that his genes had

finally re-emerged under David, and he doted on his youngest

grandson with a degree of affection he had not given to his own

son.

Coincidentally, David recalls in Memoirs that it was in 1937, at

the funeral service for Senior (who died at the age of 97), that he

learned not only that was he the deceased monopolist's "favorite"

but that Senior had "always thought" David was "most like

him[self]". Having received this confirmation of his status from

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Chicago, these views were reinforced when another free trade

proponent, the economist Jacob Viner (1892–1970), tutored

David. Lauded by David as an advocate of "unobstructed trade as

a means of generating economic growth", Viner was one of the

leading free trade theorists of his time. He was also an advocate

of using international institutions to manage the world economy.

Fittingly, David includes Haberler and Viner among those

academics to whom he owes an "intellectual debt", hailing them

as "truth seekers" whose example he has attempted to follow. 12

David joined the Council on Foreign Relations in 1949, his sur-

name ensuring election to its board of directors. David naturally

understates the CFR's influence on his thinking, merely observing

that he found it to be the "best place" for pursuing his "interest in

global affairs". Tellingly, David admits his motivation for joining

the CFR was his determination to "play a role" in the process of

ensuring the US provided leadership in building "a new interna-

tional architecture" following World War II.

While David correctly identifies the wide

range of views among the CFR's members,

for him the Council's enduring value has

been its role in devising schemes for world

order that conform with his Wilsonian

vision. For example, marking the CFR's

75th anniversary in 1997, David hailed the

Council's role as America's "premier school

for statesmen", observing that it was from

the CFR's War and Peace Studies project

that America's post-war plans for a "just and

durable international system" had emerged,

and from more recent CFR studies that

"awareness of global economic interde-

pendence gained particular prominence

in national policy discussions". 13

In 1954, David was selected by

President Eisenhower to be one of the

founding US members of the

Bilderberg Group. The Bilderbergers

have long been controversial, with

many researchers attributing to the

annual secret gathering a role in

establishing the European Union and

facilitating the planning of a world

government. 14 David insists, naturally,

that the "truth" is that Bilderberg is no

more than an "intensely interesting

discussion group" which does not reach a consensus. What

Bilderberg discusses, David does not say, preferring to

characterise the cabal as a unique networking opportunity.

Bilderberg, David said in 1990, gave him "an opportunity…to

become acquainted with some of the leaders of Europe and the

United States on a very informal basis…one got to know them on

a first-name basis". 15 Other Bilderbergers, however, such as

former British politician Denis Healey, admit there is a Bilderberg

consensus, with most Bilderbergers believing that "a single

community throughout the world would be a good thing". 16 Such

a consensus would have obviously reinforced David's globalist

inclinations, making the Bilderbergs more than merely an

unusually well-connected social rendezvous.

This is but a small sample of the influences on David's globalist

outlook, but it also illustrates his reliance on the ideas of others.

Despite his PhD, David is not quite the theoretical mastermind

behind the New World Order that he appears to be. Instead, like

most plutocrats intent on changing the world, he appropriates the

ideas of others, usually Establishment academics and technocrats,

incorporating them into his own global vision when it suits his

purposes. But, David admits, he has "never been particularly dog-

matic" in his political or economic beliefs, preferring to support

"effective people and…practical policies". 17 Thus, for David,

ideas or protégés can be discarded once they are no longer useful

to him or his ultimate goal of "a more integrated global political

and economic structure".

A Modern-Day Medici

David Rockefeller's globalist inclinations would be of little

interest if not for his uniquely powerful position in the US politi-

cal sphere. In attempting to describe David's power, academics

and journalists have used many superlatives, and it is instructive

that these descriptions are similar. David Rockefeller is "[t]he

single most powerful private citizen in America today", observed

Florida State University academic Thomas

R. Dye in his 1976 book, Who's Running

America? The journalist Bill Moyers, in his

1980 TV special, The World of David

Rockefeller , described the plutocrat respec-

tively as "the unelected if indisputable chair-

man of the American Establishment" and

"one of the most powerful, influential and

richest men in America", who "sits at the hub

of a vast network of financiers, industrialists

and politicians whose reach encircles the

globe". And in 1998, NewsMax.com

described David as "one of the world's most

influential private figures". 18

David has always rejected such

assessments, insisting that his power is

limited and that he has no real leverage

with world leaders or government offi-

cials, merely good access to them. In

an interview with Forbes magazine in

1972, for example, David downplayed

the idea that he had any such power:

I have no power in the sense that I

can call anybody in the govern-

ment and tell them what to do.

Because of my position I'm more

apt to get through on the tele-

phone than somebody else , but

what happens to what I suggest

depends on whether they feel this makes sense in terms of

what they are already doing. 19

Dye disputes this, claiming that the real reason for David's elab-

orate denial is simple: with it already well known that he "exer-

cises great power", the plutocrat has "no reason to try to impress

anyone" by openly admitting it. In fact, David's position and

behaviour are similar to that of the Medici banking family that

unofficially ruled 15th-century Florence by subverting the elabo-

rate electoral system through a combination of deception, corrup-

tion and violence. The Medicis were effectively the shadow gov-

ernment of Florence—a fact acknowledged in the Florentine

expression, "the secret things of our town". That was because, as

Tim Parks notes in the New York Review of Books , the Medici

family leadership understood that "to hold power for any length of

time, one must appear not to hold it". 20 Although not known for

emulating their more controversial practices, David Rockefeller is

like the Medicis, his shadowy yet powerful political role one of

the "secret things" of Washington, DC.

David Rockefeller is

"the single most

powerful private

citizen in America

today", observed

Florida State

University academic

Thomas R. Dye in his

1976 book, Who's

Running America?

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NEXUS • 29

Emperor of the Establishment

But what is the source of David's power? It is not just his

personal fortune, currently a meagre US$2.5 billion and a pittance

compared to the US$30 billion or more of today's super-rich such

as Bill Gates and Warren Buffet. One obvious source has been

his executive positions at the Chase Manhattan Bank. But the

primary basis, as Dye explains, is in David's enduring role as

"director of the vast Rockefeller empire"; that is, his leadership of

"the Rockefeller network of industrial, financial, political, civic,

and cultural institutions". 27 At the centre of this network are the

remnants of the vast fortune originally amassed by John D.

Rockefeller, Sr, and then dispersed into an abundance of family

trusts and philanthropies. This includes the Rockefeller

Foundation (2001 market value of assets, US$3.1 billion) and the

Rockefeller Brothers Fund (RBF) (2002 market value of assets,

US$670 million). As a former Vice-Chairman (1968–1980),

Chairman (1980–1987) and now an Advisory Trustee of the RBF,

David has always been at the hub of this

network.

Outside of this hub is a plethora of public

institutions including foundations, non-gov-

ernment organisations and various govern-

ment advisory boards that David has been

involved with, usually in a leading role. His

myriad positions include: Honorary

Chairman of Rockefeller University;

Chairman Emeritus of the Museum of

Modern Art in New York City; Chairman of

the Americas Society; Director of the

US–USSR Trade and Economic Council;

Chairman of the New York Chamber of

Commerce and Industry; Chairman of the US

Advisory Committee on Reform of the

International Monetary System;

Honorary Chairman of the Japan

Society; a director of International

House; a trustee of the University of

Chicago; a trustee of the John F.

Kennedy Library; President of the

Board of Overseas Study at Harvard;

and now, an honorary jury member on

the Lower Manhattan Development

Corporation's International World

Trade

David's preference for this behind-the-scenes political role

stems from his profound distaste for normal democratic politics.

Although clearly interested in power, David, after working for

Mayor La Guardia, apparently found the idea of having to depend

on the whims of the voting public unattractive. "The danger in

that field," he later commented, "is that you spend all of your time

running for office." 21 Unstated, of course, is the plutocrat's proba-

ble discomfort at the prospect of being publicly accountable in

any way for his actions—something that would be an affront to

the enormous power this Rockefeller saw as his due.

Instead, David found a surer route to power by fulfilling the

family tradition of using philanthropy as a "bridge" between the

private and public sectors. David typically presents his motives

behind his philanthropy as benevolent, an embodiment of Junior's

belief that "philanthropy was about being a good neighbor". "I

have tried to emulate Father by contributing to a variety of not-

for-profit organizations throughout my life," he writes in

Memoirs . 22 But this is disingenuous, for

David's actual motives for embracing phil-

anthropy in fact have more in common with

Andrew Carnegie's view that the wealthy

have an exclusive right to shape society.

It has been in other forums, in little-

noticed speeches to elite gatherings, that

David's true intentions have been revealed.

Like Carnegie, David considers an active

political role by the rich to be a matter of

duty rather than a mere whim, as he stated to

one gathering that "the opportunities for

possessing wealth carry with them

comparable responsibilities ". 23 In fact, he

told the New York Economic Club in 1996,

philanthropy performs a vital social

function in which the rich and

businessmen in general are able to

realise their " responsibility to society

beyond that of maximising profits for

shareholders". Although "making

profits must come first", as profits are

"the most important instrument we

have to promote the broader welfare of

our society", David maintained that the

captains of industry should style

themselves as "business statesmen" and

be "vocal and visible…speaking out on

community, industry and national

issues". 24

This also includes active involvement in the non-profit area,

supporting various organisations whether dealing with domestic

or international issues. There is "nothing wrong with perpetuating

one's name by endowing an organization or building", David told

the Sid W. Richardson Foundation in 1985, but with government

in retreat in many areas, "the private area must take up the

slack". 25

Unless the business class is actively involved in resolving

"societal problems", he warned the New York Economic Club, the

public may become "disenchanted with business" and "demand

that government resume its previous role as the arbiter of our

economic life". 26

And thus David's real agenda becomes clear: the rich must

govern, limiting the role of elected officials; but the multitude

must be placated lest they clamour for the return of democracy,

threatening the reign of the plutocrats.

Instead, David found

a surer route to power

by fulfilling the family

tradition of using

philanthropy as a

"bridge" between the

private and public

sectors.

Center

Site

Memorial

Competition.

This impressive range of institutions

that David has been involved in also

includes a raft of policy-planning organisations devoted to inter-

national political and economic affairs. David's role in these

organisations has never been marginal, and his positions include:

Director, Chairman and Honorary Chairman of the Council on

Foreign Relations (CFR); founder, North American Chairman

and Honorary Chairman of the Trilateral Commission ; a life

member of the Bilderberg Group ; Chairman and Director of the

Institute for International Economics (IIE); founder, Chairman

and Honorary Chairman of the Council on the Americas ; and a

trustee of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

(CEIP). He is also a co-founder of the Dartmouth Conference ,

the International Executive Service Corps and the Global

Philanthropists Circle .

At a recent "book party" for the retiring plutocrat, former US

Trade Representative Carla Hills celebrated David's pivotal role in

maintaining this network:

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AUGUST – SEPTEMBER 2003

Had [David Rockefeller] not been the founder, long-time

chairman and benefactor and even often all of the above, the

Council on Foreign Relations, the Council of the Americas,

the Institute for International Economics, the Trilateral

Commission, the White House Fellows Program, and I could

name so many more, might not exist. And if they did, they

might not assuredly be as effective as they are today. 28

heads of state, ostensibly on business for Chase or as part of CFR

delegations but often as an unofficial emissary for Washington.

David has had private meetings with hundreds of national

leaders—a privilege usually only afforded to senior officials or

other heads of state. The list includes Nikita Khrushchev, Alexi

Kosygin, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Deng Xiaoping, Saddam Hussein,

Fidel Castro, Zhou Enlai and the Shah of Iran. The product of

these associations is a network of power and influence, with

David at its centre—ultimately embodied in his massive

electronic Rolodex, located in his office in the Rockefeller Center,

reputed to contain 150,000 names. 30

True to his Medici-like preference for avoiding public scrutiny,

David has rejected formal government appointments, including

offers to be Secretary of the Treasury and of Defense, and numer-

ous ambassadorial positions. In Memoirs , David cites "political

considerations" and his devotion to Chase Manhattan as his rea-

sons for declining these offers. David also believed, not without

good reason, that through his Chase chairmanship he could

"accomplish much that would benefit the United States as an

'ambassador without portfolio'". At the panel discussion on

Memoirs , held in October 2002 at Johns Hopkins University,

David elaborated further, noting that his position at Chase provid-

ed him with "a rather unique opportunity to play a quiet but hope-

fully useful role". And on the Charlie Rose Show , David added

that he could achieve much more outside of government as he was

not limited to four-year terms, thus enabling him to do "a lot of

interesting things" over decades. 29

As a self-appointed "ambassador without portfolio", for

example, David has used his unique access to visit countless

Continued next issue…

Author's Note :

In Part Four we will continue to examine David Rockefeller's

internationalist vision, focusing on his most controversial

creation: the Trilateral Commission.

About the Author :

Will Banyan, BA (Hons), Grad. Dip. (Information Science), is a

writer specialising in the political economy of globalisation. He

was worked for local and national governments as well as some

international organisations, and was recently consulting on

global issues for a private corporation. He is currently working

on a revisionist history of the New World Order. Will Banyan

can be contacted at banyan007@rediffmail.com.

December 17, 2002, at http://www.un.org.

7. David Rockefeller, Memoirs , Random House,

2002, p. 405 (emphasis added). Despite its

immeasurable significance, NWO researchers

seem either unaware of or to have ignored

David's admission. One of the few exceptions is

Richard C. Sizemore, "David Rockefeller: His

Memoir Revelations", January 1, 2003, at

http://www.Sanspap.com.

8. Peter Collier and David Horowitz, The

Rockefellers: An American Dynasty , Holt,

Rinehart & Winston, 1976, p. 222.

9. Rockefeller, Memoirs , p. 4 (emphasis added).

10. Rockefeller, quoted in Ron Chernow, Titan:

The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr , Warner

Books, 1998, p. 662; and Rockefeller, Memoirs ,

pp. 122, 145.

11. Rockefeller, Memoirs , p. 406.

12. ibid., pp. 80, 89, 91-92; Joseph T. Salerno,

"Biography of Gottfried Haberler (1901–1995)",

Ludwig von Mises Institute website,

http://www.mises.org; and "Jacob Viner,

1892–1970" at The History of Economic

Thought website, http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/.

13. Rockefeller, Memoirs , p. 406; David

Rockefeller, The Council at 75 , September 1997,

at the CFR website, http://www.cfr.org.

14. See, for example, Mike Peters, "The

Bilderberg Group and the project of European

unification", Lobster 32, December 1996.

15. Rockefeller, Memoirs , pp. 410-411; and

Rockefeller, quoted in James A. Bill, George

Ball: Behind the Scenes in US Foreign Policy ,

Yale University Press, 1997, p. 54.

16. Healey, quoted in Jon Ronson, Them:

Adventures with Extremists , Picador, 2001, p.

299.

17. Rockefeller, Memoirs , p. 486.

18. Thomas R. Dye, Who's Running America?:

The Carter Years , Prentice-Hall, 1976, p. 157;

Moyers, quoted in Larry Abraham, Call It

Conspiracy, Double A Publications, 1985, p. 37;

and "David Rockefeller to the Rescue",

NewsMax.com, October 16, 1998,

http://www.newsmax.com.

19. Rockefeller, quoted in Dye, Who's Running

America? , p. 160 (emphasis added).

20. ibid.; Tim Parks, "Mad at the Medicis", New

York Review of Books , May 1, 2003.

21. Rockefeller, quoted in Collier and Horowitz,

The Rockefellers , p. 225.

22. Rockefeller, Memoirs , p. 488.

23. David Rockefeller, "Giving: America's

Greatest National Resource", Vital Speeches of

the Day , March 15, 1985, p. 328 (emphasis

added).

24. David Rockefeller, "America After

Downsizing", Vital Speeches of the Day ,

September 12, 1996, p. 42 (emphasis added).

25. Rockefeller, "Giving", pp. 330, 331.

26. Rockefeller, "America After Downsizing",

pp. 41-42 (emphasis added).

27. Dye, Who's Running America?, pp. 153,

157.

28. Carla Hills, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Riordan

Roett and David Rockefeller, Memoirs: The

Rockefeller Family in International Affairs ,

Panel discussion on David Rockefeller's new

book at the School of Advanced International

Studies, Johns Hopkins University, October 31,

2002.

29. Rockefeller, Memoirs , pp. 485-487; Carla

Hills et al., Memoirs: The Rockefeller Family in

International Affairs , ibid.; Interview with David

Rockefeller , Charlie Rose Show, October 21,

2002.

30. See "A Wealth of Names", January 10,

2000, at http://www.Forbes.com.

Endnotes

1. William F. Jasper, Global Tyranny…Step By

Step: The United Nations and the Emerging

New World Order , Western Islands, 1992, p.

283; John Wilkes, "Hit-job on Margaret

Thatcher", in James Gibb Stuart, Hidden Menace

to World Peace , Ossian, 1993, p. 159; and David

Icke, …and the truth shall set you free , Bridge of

Love, 1995, 2nd edition, p. 173.

2. David Rockefeller, Letter to the New York

Times , August 25, 1980; and Rockefeller, quoted

in Ellen Sorokin, "Trilateral Meeting to discuss

terrorism", The Washington Times , April 6,

2002.

3. Thomas d'Aquino, "Tribute to David

Rockefeller, Honorary Chairman, The Americas

Society", On the Occasion of a Presentation to

David Rockefeller, Honorary Chairman,

Americas Society, during a meeting of the

Chairman's International Advisory Council of

the Americas Society to Vancouver, June 6,

2002, pp. 1-2, at The Americas Society website,

http://www.americas-society.org.

4. Neil L. Rudenstine, "Pitching into

Commitments", Remarks in Honor of David

Rockefeller, Marshall Award Dinner, New York

Public Library, May 17, 1999, in Neil L.

Rudenstine, Pointing Our Thoughts: Reflections

on Harvard and Higher Education, 1991–2001 ,

President and Fellows of Harvard College, 2001,

p. 217.

5. Georges Berthoin, Shijuro Ogata, Conrad

Black and Henry Kissinger, "Toasts to the

Trilateral Commission Founder and Honorary

Chairman, David Rockefeller" , on the occasion

of the US Group's 25th Anniversary Evening,

December 1, 1998, at http://www.trilateral.org.

6. UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, "Remarks

at book signing by David Rockefeller",

AUGUST – SEPTEMBER 2003

www.nexusmagazine.com

NEXUS • 31

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